Soldiers who died in Crete were usually buried in a churchyard or cemetery corresponding to their religion. Most Protestant British soldiers are memorialised in a cemetery within, but walled off from, the Orthodox church of of Agios Konstantinos and Agia Eleni in Iraklion and their Catholic colleagues are buried in the Catholic Churchyard St John the Baptist, also in Iraklion. Most French Catholics are buried in the Catholic churchyard of the monastery of St Francis in Canea, the majority of Russian Orthodox buried in the Greek Orthodox churchyard of Agios Konstantinos and Agia Eleni in Rethymno, the Russian/Polish Catholics in a separate, Catholic, graveyard across the road from their Orthodox colleagues.
However, two British soldiers, Corporal W. Ward, Army Service Corps, who died in Canea 28th October 1898 and Private H. J. Sharp, Royal Marine Light Infantry from H.M.S.Thetis, who died on 24th May 1898, are buried in the Orthodox churchyard of Agia Fotini, Canea 731 33, the Canea Municipal Cemetery.
While it is of course not impossible that both men were members of the Greek Orthodox church, it is unlikely, in particular since their names do not appear to indicate they were anything other than British in origin.
On 2nd March 1897, the European Powers announced to the Greek and the Ottoman Governments that:
“Crete cannot, under the present circumstances, be annexed to Greece. The Powers have decided to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman State and endow Crete with an effective autonomous regime, destined to secure a government distinct of the suzerainty of the Porte”.[1]
In effect this meant that Crete, though still remaining nominally under the juristiction of the Ottoman Empire, would be given the power to rule and to tax itself, without the need for Ottoman authority or Ottoman intervention. While this compromise solution satisfied neither those Cretan Christians who wanted enosis, nor the Porte and the many Cretan Muslims who wished to retain the status quo, it laid the path for the eventual creation of the Kritiki Politeia in December 1898.
Discussing the Admirals’ Proclaimation of Automomy: A Street Scene in Canea. Supplement to The Graphic. 10 April 1897.
[1] Σ. Παπαμανουσάκης, «Από την Επανάσταση στο Κράτος» στο Η τελευταία φάση του Κρητικού Ζητήματος, 2001, σελ. 193.
The events surrounding the raising of the Greek flag by Spiros Kayales (also spelled as Kagailes or Kayaledakis) during the bombardment of Agios Elias on the Akrotiri peninsula above Canea on 21 February 1897 are a well known story in Crete. In brief, the narrative goes that when the Greek flag, raised by Cretan Christian insurgents, was knocked down during the bombardment of the position by European warships, Kayales raised it up and kept it flying, using his body as a flagpole. The story goes on that the European Admirals, seeing Kayales’ bravery ceased firing. A slightly different version is told here. A further British version of the event was given by the correspondent of the Globe, writing from Canea on 22nd February 1897, and published on 4th March of that year.
‘Ever since Friday February 19, the Greeks and insurgents encamped near the village of Korakies had been pressing towards Canea and firing promiscuously. As I have shown [previously] in this letter, they received a stern warning on Friday. In spite of this they played the same game on this Sunday afternoon, and by firing on Canea and its neighbourhood not only set the Powers at defiance, but also endangered the lives of the marines who were on shore. It was an unpleasant business, but the Admirals, who were responsible for their men, were obliged to actively interfere. All the afternoon shots were heard behind Canea – the insurgents were, apparently potting at everything they could see. The Admirals got tired of this and at length decided to act.
All ships which had a clear range were ordered to fire on the village of Korakies, on the east, above Halepa. The Greeks were in force there behind the hill. At 5p.m. the bombardment began. Bang! Went the Austrian “Maria Theresa” and the others followed suit. The ships firing were:- “Revenge”, “Dryad, “Harrier” (English), “Maria Theresa” (Austrian); “Alexander II” (Russian); “Kaiserine Augusta” (German). The Italian and French ships did not fire, not having a clear range. We had a perfect view of the shooting, the village being at the top of a hill only 4,000 yards away. Shrapnel shell burst all over the place. The Greek flag was, after two minutes, hauled down, but the firing did not cease for another three minutes, when it stopped by general signal.
No troops could be seen during this fusillade, except when the flag was hauled down; then one bold man took away both flag and staff. Directly the firing ceased, however, we were amazed to see hundreds of figures appear over the brow of the hill, and once more the Greek flag was hoisted. Nothing was done by us to stop them, and the flag was left in possession. I do not suppose the firing did much damage. The village was already in ruins, and the troops had plenty of shelter in the rocky ground.
The following is a rough estimate of the firing output:- “Dryad” 10 rounds of 4.7 inch shell; “Harrier” five rounds; “Alexander II.” Four rounds; “Kaiserin Augusta” six rounds; making altogether 28 rounds of 4.7 inch shell.
The English yacht “Inva” was unpleasantly close to the line of fire, and was nearly hit by a shot from either the Austrian or the Russian ship – reports differ. The shell- a time-fuse- exploded just outside the muzzle of the gun, and its bullets ploughed up the water all around the yacht. She rapidly shifted her billet. The “Revenge” fired three shots uncomfortably near the “Barfleur,” right across her bows.
The shrapnel shells bursting on the hill top made a very pretty display, and the English firing was fairly good, but the men’s hearts were not in the job.’
This version, albeit observed from 4,000 yards away, suggests that Kayales simply removed the flag and flagpole.
Why does this matter? In many ways it doesn’t. Undoubtedly Spiros Kayales was a very brave man to venture anywhere near the flag during the bombardment, and nobody would dispute his bravery or that he took some action to protect the flag. What the reports of the incident show is the difficulty of relying on eyewitness accounts of any historical event to determine what is the “truth”.
The British observers, at least one of whom was on board one of the ships firing, viewing the scene from 4,000 yards away, did not, apparently, see him do anything other than pull down, or retrieve the flag. The Cretan observers, nearer the event but in the middle of an intense three or four minutes of bombardment by shrapnel shells, apparently saw him raise the flag, using his body as a flagpole.
In one version of the event he is simply a figure on a hill-top, in another version he is part of national foundation story. The reader chooses.
The following accounts of the engagements which took place around the Aptera blockhouse were written by an unnamed journalist working for the London Evening Standard. The significance of the Aptera blockhouse was that it commanded the approaches to, and the water supply of, Fort Izzeddin. The fort in its turn controlled the entrance to Suda Bay; the anchorage of the International Fleet. The accounts have been lightly editied for clarity, but the original spellings retained.
SHELLS OF THE CAMPERDOWN (FROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT) CANEA, April 1 [1897].
Although I telegraphed a tolerably full account of yesterday’s doings, there are a few complimentary details which may still be read with interest. The position at Canea, which scarcely seems to be as well-known abroad as it ought, is as follows. Behind the town is a strip of plain, highly cultivated, once, and in some places still, like a park, with ancient olive groves and peach, cherry, almond, and orange trees, covered with fruit and blossom, whilst the ground is carpeted with grass and flowers. This plain varies in width from a mile to perhaps three or four, being wedge-shaped, with the point at Suda, where the hills reach down to the sea and the base opposite Platania to the west. The Turks had protected it by a chain of blockhouses on the ridge overlooking its entire length of perhaps eight or nine miles, with two fairly strong forts at either end, Soubashy or Boutsonaria to the west, perched high on the summit of a hill above the springs which supply Canea with water, and that of Izzeddin to the east, low down on a slope about four miles outside Suda. The Greek main camp at Alicanu lies in a hollow visible from Soubashy, at a distance of perhaps ten miles, but the Insurgents have lately massed themselves in considerable force at various points in turn on both sides of the main ridge, surrounding and attacking the blockhouses one after another, until they had almost aII fallen into their hands, leaving only the two principal forts still in possession of the Turks. After the assault and capture of Malaxa and Keratidi they determined to storm Soubashy, but were prevented by the International troops occupying it on the very day which they had intended to commence the attack. They then concentrated all their efforts on Fort Izzeddin, and Monday [29th March] last commenced firing, being, however, kept in check by the shells of an Italian cruiser.
The Admirals then decided to reinforce the Turkish garrison of six hundred men by five hundred mixed troops, the whole force to be under the command of Major Bor. On Tuesday [30th March], however, it was discovered that the insurgents had occupied a ruined monastery and some stonework within a few hundred yards of the Turkish blockhouse above Fort Izzeddin [Aptera].
Here a short description of the ground is necessary. The Fort is placed about one hundred feet above the sea, and is armed with twelve Krupp, fifteen-centimetre guns, one of eight centimetres, and two Nordenfelts. There was ample ammunition for all except the Nordenfelts, which only had about four hundred rounds. Of all these guns, however, only two were available against a land attack, the Fort having been built to cover the entrance to Suda Bay. About a quarter of a mile off, on the summit of the hill where it begins to slope down to Izzeddin, is a strong blockhouse, with two Krupp guns eight-centimetre guns outside it, and two Nordenfelts within. Each of these forts had three hundred men. The Turks from the blockhouse had thrown up an earthwork about three hundred yards in advance, where they had placed about twenty men. The Insurgents in their monastery were quite close to this post, whilst the main body of them were camped a little further off, behind a very strong old stone wall and a natural rampart of rock. This position was. perhaps, three-quarters of a mile from tie Fort itself, and the slope from the ridge to the sea, especially along the edge of a ravine which cleft the hill side, was sown thick with sharpshooters.
To return to the story after this digression, the Insurgents commenced a night attack on Tuesday [30th March], and were shelled by several of the small ships, and by one or two rounds from the larger vessels, I believe, up till midnight. It is doubtful, however, if the shells did much damage, as the search lights were found to be more useful to the Insurgents than to the defence, and were ordered to be discontinued. The Ardent was fired at directly she turned on her light, and I was shown one of several bullets which struck her. Meanwhile, Major Bor, who had, together with the Austrian Admiral, inspected the position on Tuesday afternoon, expressed his opinion that it was imperatively necessary to drive the Insurgents out of their advanced position and to occupy it, otherwise it was easy for them to concentrate any number of men unseen. He, therefore, proposed that an International force of five hundred should on the next day storm the Insurgent camp, and drew up a plan of operations, whereby the five companies were to advance in line with certain distances between; bayonets were not to be fixed until within two hundred yards of the position, &c.
The Admirals met next morning to consider this plan, but two of them objected to taking the offensive, and, as a matter of fact, even before they had commenced their conference firing was general down at the point.
I rode over to Suda early, but on trying to get a boat to take me down to the scene was met by great reluctance. At last one boatman picked up his rifle and said he would take me if I would use an oar, and off we went. This was soon after eight o’clock, and at that time the forts were firing occasionally, whilst the Turkish frigate and the Ardent seemed to be the most-busy of the others. It took us the best part of an hour ‘s hard rowing to come opposite the fight, but it well worth the trouble. At about nine the Turkish vessel sheered off, and the grey Russian armoured gunboat, the Groziastchy, ranged up to within about three hundred yards of the shore, and, slowly drifting backwards and forwards, proceeded to pour in a most destructive fire, directed principally at wo old stone wall at the head of the ravine, with also an occasional shell at the Monastery where the Greeks had hoisted a flag upon which the Turks had ref trained from firing, until ordered to do so by the Admirals, on the ground that it was a sacred edifice, though long since in ruins. The Russian practice was excellent, every shell bursting against or at the foot of the wall which was finally knocked into a heap of rubbish. The Insurgents, nevertheless, did not seem to care much, and as soon as they were driven from one shelter, they swarmed into another, generally acknowledging any particularly accurate shell by a stiffer volley at the Turks.
The whole of the slope was now covered with Insurgents, lying down mostly and firing at their ease, now and again advancing a short way again to crouch and fire. From the crest down to the cliff the gorse and grass might also have been on fire, so covered were they with perpetual puffs of smoke, and the rattle of the rifles never ceased its accompaniment to the boom of the guns every minute of so. At about half-past nine the Austrian Tiger, a large armoured cruiser, relieved the Groziastchy with rather heavier metal, though it did not seem to me to make quite such good practice. I do not mention the calibre of the respective guns for fear of making a mistake, but anybody whom it interests can look them up in “Brassey.” [An authorative British illustrated guide to the naval forces of the world.] It was about half-past nine, or perhaps a little later, when a roar from the distance showed that one of the big ships in the bay had joined in, and the glasses told it was the Camperdown, which was lying the farthest out, and consequently the nearest to the fort, although at a distance of nearly four miles. Several of her shells seemed to go over the hill, and probably were very useful there, but one or two (I believe six-inch).
HMS Camperdown in action 31st March 1897. Illustration by courtesy of the artist, Iain Lowe
By about ten o’clock the Tiger and the Groziastchy were hard at it, but with apparently no effect on the morale of the Insurgents, who kept up their fire most gallantly. Though it appeared to me that the Turks had evacuated their advanced earthwork, I should not like to be sure of it, at any rate, beyond that there did not seem to be much damage on either side, and the blockhouse was holding its own comfortably. Probably, however, it was enabled to do this from the manner in which the Insurgents were being harassed by the shells. While I was wondering how long this might continue, a terrific crash shook the air followed by a hissing and groaning overhead, and then by an explosion at the head of the ravine.
The din beggars description, being multiplied a hundred- fold by the mountains on every side, which sent back a splitting echo. This was one of the white twins, familiarly known as “Long Toms,” from the Camperdown barbette. In perhaps less than a minute came a second, also right in the centre of the position. Each shell raised such a dust and smoke, that the actual results could not be made out: but the Insurgents could be seen hurriedly pulling down their two flags, picking up their rifles, covering their heads with their cloaks and disappearing over the ridge. Two more of these monsters completed the rout, and practically put an end to the incident. Nevertheless, a number of sharpshooters remained on the slope after the main body had departed under a couple of shrapnels from the Tiger, which were the last shells fired at a quarter past ten.
As soon as the Insurgent flag was down, about a hundred and fifty Turks sallied forth, and, opening into one long line, advanced over the slope, keeping their formation well, and, as far as I could see, not replying to the fire of the Insurgents who had remained, but who were gradually cleared off, now one and then another jumping up like a hare and making for the ravine, up which he doubtless rejoined his comrades. By half-past ten the Turks had swept the whole hillside and planted their own flags on the Monastery and at the head of the ravine, dancing with delight, and firing their rifles in the air.
The ships, having done their business, steamed slowly out to sea to continue the blockade, and I landed to see the result of the fire. My boatman, however, objected, saying that if we did not return at once he did not know when we should be able to do so, as a head wind had sprung up and was freshening. As it was too great a risk to run the chance of being stranded up the coast, we started back, and after a very weary hour and a-half struggle against the waves, we made the hospitable Revenge, in whose ward-room the whole bombardment was fought over again. Before leaving the fort, however, a general action seemed to have begun afresh, and the Insurgents, if driven off, did not, evidently, consider themselves beaten. The Turks will, nevertheless, be now able probably to hold their own easily, and such was the opinion of the Admirals, who yesterday afternoon abandoned the idea of a mixed occupation, only ordering a Turkish reinforcement. The Turks lost three killed and five wounded The Insurgent loss can only be known later.
Whilst on this subject, I may add that all Turks here, military and common folk, are furious over the Malaxa affair. The military attribute the blame to Edhem Pacha’s having ordered the convoy to return the day before, the other officers declaring that they could easily have revictualled it. They also say that the Commandant never intended to surrender, and his white flag was only a signal for a parley, but that the Cretans at once came down in force, and this more or less surprised him. Even then he only surrendered by the advice given to him, very sensibly, by a newspaper Correspondent, [Mr. Bass, an American Correspondent] who undoubtedly saved the lives of them all.
London Evening Standard. Tuesday 13 April 1897
CANEA, April 2 [1897]
Some of the Insurgents to-day fired about fifteen rifle shots at the Butsunaria blockhouse, now occupied by a mixed foreign garrison. The guns of the Italian troops fired six shots in reply, and the Insurgents, who appeared to be in considerable force, thereupon retired. The Turkish prisoners of Colonel Vassos will arrive in Canea to-morrow morning. Three Greek prisoners at Akrotiri have been released. The following is a summary of a letter ad- dressed by the Bishop of Canea to the Christian nations of Europe: —
” For a long time this country has shed its blood in the straggle to escape from tyranny, and to unite with Greece. In the name of the safety of the Cretan people, who are the victims of so many massacres, and who are determined to obtain this union, put a stop to the bombardment, and do not oppose their unanimous wish. The Turks, on the other hand, are free to act against the Christians, and are even supported by the Great Powers. The conduct of the Great Towers reduces the Christians to despair. May a better appreciation of the facts bring about a change in their policy. I appeal to the sentiment of justice and liberty of the Christian nations of Europe to lead to a modification of the attitude of their Governments. I also thank those who made common cause with my compatriots, for their cause is the cause of the whole of humanity. (Signed) ” Nicephoros.”
The day before yesterday [31st March], while the Austrian troops were occupying the Tsikalaria Heights, I went with a colleague representing a New York journal to the Malaxa Hill, which commands the whole Aptera Plateau and rises above the blockhouse protecting Fort Izzedin, on the mountain side. Our object was to gain some details from personal inquiry regarding the bombardment of that position. We were well received by the Insurgents, who said that a small party did, in fact, attack and occupy the blockhouse in question. A bombardment first of all from the Turkish men-of-war and then by the guns of the International Fleet forced them to evacuate the position, which was at once occupied by the Ottoman troops.
On the 30th March more than eighty shots were fired by the ships’ guns. Several houses in the adjacent villages were set on fire, and, according to the Insurgents, this was almost entirely the work of the Turkish troops, who have now planted their standard on the ruins of the Aptera Monastery, which is the property of the Patmos Convent. My companion and myself ascended the next ridge, from which we could see a number of houses enveloped in thick smoke. Not a single soldier was visible except near the Monastery.
On returning to the village of Malaxa, we had further talk with the Insurgent leaders. They said they knew nothing of the Proclamation of the Admirals calling upon them to cease hostilities. They added, however, that they would only obey the orders of Greece. The Chiefs were full of loud denunciation of the Great Powers, which wanted to deprive them of the right to fight for their freedom; but they were all prepared to die rather than yield, even though the Greek troops, overborne by the pressure of the Six Powers arrayed against their country, should have to return to the Piraeus. The Insurgents suffered little from the bombardment. Their only loss was two killed and four men very slightly wounded, among whom were two standard bearers, the one a so-called deserter from the Greek Army, M. Chondalis, and the other a Cretan engineer, M. Emmanuel Kilaides.
The day following the bombardment, viz., March 31, another Insurgent was killed. We passed the night in the village of Condopoulos, where we were very hospitably entertained by another Greek deserter, Lieutenant Rizzis. On April I we rode to Alikianu, passing on our way through Panaghia. A Deputy from Sphakia, M. Paliogeorgaki, accompanied us, and on the road we met Prince Mourouzi. The Insurgents at Alikianu talked of the action of the Powers, and of their resolve to die fighting, just in the same way as their comrades at Malaxa. The French cruiser Bugeaud yesterday went round to Suda Bay.
The difficulty of extracting the truth about what was going on in Crete in 1897 is illustrated by the following two articles, each describing the same event. The first was a formal report written by Rear-Admiral Harris, Senior British Naval Officer in Crete, describing a failed attempt by Cretan Christians to capture the Malaxa blockhouse. The second was a report of the same event written by an unnamed British reporter.
‘On Sunday 28th [February] the insurgents, about 200 strong, attacked the blockhouse held by the Turks on the hill near Malaxa. About 11 A.M., the attack having been renewed, the Greeks being in considerable force, the Turkish commander requested permission to open fire from the “Mukaddemi Khair,” [Mukaddeme-i Hayir] which was permitted by the Admirals, as the Greek flag had been much advanced towards the blockhouse, and a spirited attack on it was being made, in defiance of the Proclamation of the Admirals that offensive operations would not be allowed.
The “Mukaddfemi Khair” fired three shells, the first a well-directed one, which had the effect of rapidly clearing the hill-sides.
The cause of the fighting appears to have been due to a Turkish relief party having left Canea during the night to revictual the blockhouse, which had been for some eight or ten days without provisions.
Having succeeded in their object, the party commenced to return, but were observed by the insurgents, who opened heavy fire on them. They, however, succeeded in regaining the Turkish lines, leaving the insurgents making a strong attack on the blockhouse.
As an outcome of this, the villages of Chacalaria and Nerokori were destroyed by fire, but which party was responsible for the incendiarism it is impossible to find out with any degree of certainty.’[1]
Compare with:
‘Some further particulars have arrived regarding the fighting at Malaxa. The block-house there is situated above the village of Trikalaria, and the Christians have been blockading the Turkish garrison for some days, cutting them off from all supplies.
To-day a body of Turks with a detachment of Nizams, or Ottoman regular troops, left Canea with convoy to revictual the fort. The Cretan insurgents disputed the passage of the convoy and attacked the escort. Some of the Turks and Nizams were killed. Turkish frigate thereupon opened fire and threw two shells in the direction of the insurgent force. By order of the foreign war-vessels the Turkish man-of-war then ceased firing. In the end the Turkish convoy had to retire to Canea. The fighting between the besieged garrison and the Cretans, however, continues. The villages of Trikalaria and Nerokouro were set on fire by Bashi-Bazouks.’[2]
Ignoring the relatively minor matters of the number of shells fired by the Mukaddeme-i Hayirand the fact that it wasn’t a ‘frigate’ but an iron-clad battle ship, two main issues are highlighted by the differing reports. In the one from the British Admiral Harris, he makes it clear that the Mukaddeme-i Hayir opened fire with the permission of the Admirals and makes no reference to the vessel being ‘ordered’ to cease firing. The complete opposite is implied in the newspaper report. This omits the fact that the Ottoman vessel had the permission of the Powers to commence firing and suggests that it only cease when ordered to do so by the Admirals. (One can only imagine the feelings of the Captain of the Mukaddeme-i Hayir, having to obtain permission from foreign Powers to open fire in support of Ottoman troops, being attacked on what was still then de jure Ottoman territory, by forces rebelling against Ottoman rule.)
The second point to note is the attribution of blame for the burning of the two villages. Admiral Harris states that it’s impossible to correctly allocate the blame for staring the fires; the St James Gazette reporter is adamant that the fire was started by Bashi-Bazouks – Ottoman, Cretan-Muslim, irregular forces.
What is also of interest is that Harris’ account would have been read by relatively few, albeit possibly influential, people, whereas the newspaper account was widely circulated and syndicated in British newspapers of the day.
So, which one is telling the ‘truth’?
Feth i Bülend sister ship to Mukaddeme-i Hayr (1869)Mukaddeme-i Hayir during refit in Constantinople in 1895.
[1] Parliamentary Command paper C.8429. Turkey. No. 9 (1897). Reports on the situation in Crete. Inc. 2. p.8. Rear Admiral Harris to Admiral J.O. Hopkins, 4 March 1897.
On April 18th, following Vassos’ ‘annexation’ of Crete and large-scale Greek incursions into Ottoman Macedonia, the Ottoman Empire declared war on Greece. In Canea, on April 19th an international detachment under command of Captain Egerton consisting of 75 Seaforths, 75 Austrians, 75 French, 90 Italians and 2 Italian guns, was sent to be part of a guard at the neck of Akrotiri peninsula, remaining there until June.
According to Egerton:
‘The orders given by the Council of Admirals …were to guard the neck of the Akrotiri peninsula and prevent a large body of insurgents encamped therein from breaking out, and equally to prevent any body of Turks or Bashi Bazouks from the mainland from breaking in and attacking the insurgents. The two chiefs of the insurgent bands on Akrotiri were Messers Fourmis [sic] & Venezelos [sic], both Athens’ educated natives of Crete, who spoke and wrote excellent French.’
Activity at this post was apparently limited and Egerton clearly had no great opinion of his allies, continuing his narrative in the first person he stated:
‘Nothing serious ever happened, but for the two months that I was in command at Akrotiri Lt. Campion and myself, took it in turn every night to visit the sentries and patrol the neighbourhood, after 12 midnight. I did not trust the Italians a yard, and had no great confidence in the French, but my Austrian detachment Officers and men, were reliable to the last degree. The Italians were very fond of the English and were ready to black our boots, and they have never forgotten how much we assisted towards a united Italy. The Austrians were on very friendly terms always, their Officers were nearly all gentlemen, which was not certainly the case with most of the other foreign Officers. The Russians we saw little of, they were mainly kept outside of Canea, on account of their rowdy habits. Their Colonel was an ex-Guardsman exiled for St. Petersburg for his numerous crimes. He was often seen drunk.
The move to Akrotiri coincided with the European takeover of the Izzedin fortress overlooking Suda Bay and of a number of smaller blockhouses in and around the Bay. Command of the fortress and the outlying posts was given to Major Bor, who ‘to give him the necessary authority over his foreign colleagues [was given] the honorary rank of Colonel.’
The Illustrated London News of April 24th 1897 reported: “Captain Granville Egerton, of the Seaforth Highlanders, who is in command of one of the detachments of British troops now in Crete, has seen some years of active service. He received his commission in 1879, and proceeded at once to Afghanistan, where he was seriously wounded before the year was out in the operations around Cabul. He subsequently took part in the advance on Candahar, and distinguished himself in the battle there fought. In the Egyptian Campaign of 1882 he was Adjutant to the Ist Battalion of the Seaforth Highlanders, and took part in the Battle of Tel-el-Kebir.”
On leaving Crete with in November 1897, the Seaforths, including Egerton, went on, via a spell in Malta, to take part in the campaign in The Sudan. Here, Egerton was mentioned twice in despatches, his first such mention having been during the campaign in Afghanistan in 1880. He eventually went on to command the 52nd Lowland Infantry Division at Gallipoli, surviving the war and retiring from the army with the rank of Major General in 1919. He died in 1951.
The confused state of inter-communal relations on Crete in February 1897 was illustrated by the situation faced by Commander C. L. Ottley, Captain of H.M.S. Nymphe, a composite screw sloop.
Arriving off Sitia on 11th February 1897 he was informed by both the Kaimakam, the Ottoman appointed town governor, and the Italian Eastern Telegraph Company operator that the town was in a state of panic; Christian insurrectionists surrounding the town and its inhabitants, both Christians and Muslims, each fearing that the others were about to attack them. Ottley initially interviewed Muslim leaders, finding:
“[I]n some ways remarkable as a complete reversal of the very prevalent idea, that it is only the Christians in Crete, who have reason to dread the indiscriminate massacre of their men, women and children at the hands of Musselmens.”
At a later interview with Christian chieftains, it was they who expressed their fear of massacre. Ottley eventually arranged for women and children of each religion to be placed in separate caiques moored alongside H. M. S. Nymphe, under the protection of her guns.[1]On the 14th February, landing under a flag of truce and delivering a message to the insurrectionists from the consuls in Canea to the effect that they would be held responsible for any unlawful acts committed by their men, Ottley arranged for Christian and Muslim chiefs to meet in his cabin to organise a 48 hour armistice. His justification for the breach of orders ‘not to get involved as an intermediary’ [2], was that there was considerable British and foreign property at risk in the town, and there were no European consuls present:
“Several of the principal local functionaries have fled, including the Kaimaken,[sic] and so far as I am aware, the Captain of the Port. The Head of the judicial branch of the government here has, I am informed, gone mad (he yesterday murdered a Mussleman woman).”
His efforts to broker a cease fire were successful and the situation within the town remained calm pending the arrival of Ottoman and European (French in this case) troops to keep the peace.[3]
H.M.S. Nymphe c. 1896.
Foot notes.
[1] National Archive, Admiralty Papers. ADM 116/89, Crete – Letters from C. In C. Mediterranean. No. 32. Commander Otley to Rear Admiral Harris, 14 February 1897.
[2] ]bid.
[3] National Archive, Admiralty papers. ADM 116/89, Crete – Letters from C. In C. Mediterranean. No. 33. Commander Otley to Rear Admiral Harris, 16 February 1897.
The first tranche of 2/Royal Welsh Fusiliers, consisting of HQ and four other companies, arrived in Candia on 8th April 1897, the remainer of the batallion arriving in August that year. They remained on Crete until August 1898, when they departed for Egypt. However, they returned again to the island the next month as part of the British reinforcements sent after the riots of 6th September; finally departing for good in December 1898.
Their arrival in 1897 was witnessed by a correspondent sent by the London newspaper, the Standard:
From our own correspondent. Candia Friday [9 April 1897]
I arrived here at dawn to-day on board the transport Malacca, conveying a company of the Seaforth Highlanders and a battalion of the Welsh Fusiliers. The disembarkation of the Highlanders was begun at once, with the assistance of the Bluejackets from the Bruiser and the launches of the Trafalgar. The work was favoured by perfectly calm weather, and all arrangements had, as far as possible, been made beforehand, even to the building of ovens and the preparation of kitchens by fatigue parties of the Highlanders already here. The Company of the Seaforths marched up to the barracks about four o’clock, but the Welsh Fusiliers will probably remain on board until to-morrow. The Malacca has brought five hundred tons of extra regimental stores, and as another canteen ship arrived simultaneously, the men need not be afraid of running short of personal comforts, although they have plenty of work before them. The Fusiliers will be camped along the ramparts to the north-west of the Highlanders, and will take over almost one-half of the ground hitherto patrolled and guarded by the latter.
Admiral Canevaro came over here this after noon, in consequence of exaggerated reports that the Turks had attempted to pillage the Catholic Church, during the fire that occurred recently close by, notwithstanding that the building was guarded by Italian sailors. It is so difficult in this part of the world to get at the truth of things, save by making exhaustive personal inquiries, that it is only with the utmost reserve that I give what are, lam told, the actual facts. It seems, then, that an Italian sailor dropped a revolver while engaged in extinguishing the flames, and that it was picked up by a Turkish soldier. The action was misconstrued, and gave rise to a short dispute, which, however, was speedily settled by the Italian and Turkish officers.
Yesterday nearly the whole of the Turkish garrison turned out, after requesting the Foreign troops to patrol the town while they engaged the Insurgents. A tremendous fusillade was kept up till sunset, resulting in the loss of a single horse on the Ottoman side. Meanwhile, Captain Grenfell landed all the Bluejackets that could be spared, and marched them round the ramparts.
The small-pox is, I am sorry to say, on the increase, and the streets are full of people in various stages of the disease. Most of the Seaforth Highlanders have been vaccinated afresh, but comparatively few of them “took.” The men are now fairly comfortable, though it is rather provoking to see the Turks fighting, or pretending to fight, every day, while they themselves are confined to barracks — not a man being allowed to go into the town except on duty, nor even the officers, unless they go in twos and threes.
Sir Alfred Biliotti arrived here about noon. Colonel Chermside, the British Commandant, has so far recovered from his recent indisposition as to be able to resume his outdoor duties.
Working party of 2/RWF entrenching camp on ‘Canea bastion’ Candia. April 1898.
RWF throwing up new earthworks on Venetian Ramparts, Candia. April 1897.
On Tuesday 23 February 1897, fire broke out in the Konak, the Governmental buildings, in Canea. The following report was made in one of the more sensationalist British newspapers of the time: the Penny Illustrated Paper.
“The Services of British Marines and Bluejackets at the Great Fire in Canea. illustrated on our front page, exemplified the general smartness of all our services. Again, did the Daily News Special Correspondent at Canea distinguish himself in being the first to send home details of this gallant achievement.
On Tuesday evening, Feb. 23, a fire broke out at the Government Palace at Canea, which resulted in the entire destruction of the Palace buildings. The fire was discovered next morning, at five o’clock, in a room in the centre of the building, next door to the bedroom of the Italian Commandant. It was already so fierce that the Commandant was unable to dress, and was forced to escape in a blanket. The flames spread rapidly, and the entire building, which was of wood, was speedily ablaze.
The British Marines quartered at the Greek School close to the palace were immediately marched to the square by Major Brittan, who with Lieutenant Nelson (good name) proceeded to attempt to extinguish the fire; but the palace being a Turkish Government institution, of course neither pumps, hose, axes, buckets, water, nor other appliances were available. The difficulties, therefore, were immense. Major Brittan and Lieutenant Nelson, seeing the impossibility of otherwise saving the quarter, then set to work with their men to insulate the fire, tearing down the buildings abutting on the palace literally with their hands, having no other means.
The Marines worked splendidly, displaying infinite pluck and indefatigable energy. The struggle lasted three hours before success appeared even possible. Ultimately the efforts of the Marines prevailed, and the quarter was saved. During the progress of the fire, bands of sailors from the war-ships, British and foreign, arrived to take part in the work of salvage, but although the British sailors did excellent work, it is not too much to say that the chief credit in saving the town from another appalling disaster rests with Major Brittan and Lieutenant Nelson and their men.
While the fire was in progress at the palace, the Moslem rabble profited by the confusion to set fire to several houses in the town and suburbs. Major Bor and the Montenegrin police force patrolled the streets, extinguishing the flames where possible, but three large houses in the suburbs, the property of absent Christian merchants, were burned to the ground.”[1]
Colonel vassos. ‘Round the World’ American magazine 25 March 1897
Livadia battle
Following the fall of the Tower of Voukolies on 19 February 1897, the Greek forces prepared to return to Platanias. However, news of a sortie of Ottoman troops and Bashi-Bazouks from Canea brought about a change in orders. The Daily News* reported what happened next:
“The morning [Friday 19 February] was spent in burying the dead, and the afternoon the fort was blown up, after which the force started to return Platania. Meanwhile the Cretans had advanced and surrounded a portion of the Turkish force, which had taken refuge in a strong position an inaccessible hill. Here they still remain. The rest have apparently dispersed in various directions.
In the afternoon the main body of the Greek troops arrived at Platania. There they learned that a strong force of Moslems — about five hundred Turks and as many Bashi-Bazouks – were advancing from Canea towards Voukoulies. The news was sent by the Cretans, two hundred of whom were holding the Turks in check in a narrow place, and now begged assistance. Colonel Vassos ordered battalion of infantry and a company of Chasseurs to go in support of the Cretans.
The country is very difficult, much wooded, and greatly broken up, and it is possible to see only a short distance ahead. Thus the troops suddenly found themselves the middle an olive grove occupied by the Turks.’ The Moslems abandoned the wood in five minutes, the troops followed up and severe fight ensued, lasting near three hours. The Turks took up positions on the heights, thus forcing the Greek enemy to fight up them.
The young Greek soldiers fought admirably. They drove the Turks from one position after another, capturing first the Tower of Ayah, then the Tower of Monkundro, and finally the barracks of Livadia, which were burned about five o’clock. This last position having fallen into the bands of the Greeks the Moslems retreated, taking with them three guns which had been stationed at the barracks, but which had done no execution. The Greeks pursued the retiring columns to within mile the fortifications this town, and then fell back to Platanias.
The Turkish loss in this engagement is unknown, but I have seen number of wounded brought into the lines on donkeys. The Greeks suffered severely. They had three officers killed, and one severely wounded. Two sergeants were killed, and eight privates and men were wounded. The Greek troops are all young soldiers who have never before been under fire. They displayed courage, coolness, and enthusiasm, and their general behaviour is highly creditable. Fighting side by side with the regular troops were the Students’ Corps under Captain Zimbarkakis, with which I came from Athens. The Greeks took ten Turkish prisoners of the regular troops. Three are now prisoners in camp at Platanias.”[1]
The same incident was described rather more briefly by Rear Admiral Harris, the ultimate commander of the newly landed British forces:
Today [ 19 February] a Greek force of about 9,000 Regulars and insurgents [a grossly exagerated figure; Vassos had a total of about 1,500 men], with five guns, advanced from the westward against Middle Age Fort and attacked it. The Turks, after firing, evacuated the fort, falling back on the town [Canea] outposts. The insurgents are now advancing their guns. The Admirals are unanimous that any further advance must be stopped. This step is necessary to prevent loss of life among our men in temporary occupation of Canea, which would be very likely to occur should investment become closer.[2]
This despatch was transmitted on 20 February but drafted on 19 February, presumably shortly after Vassos men moved on from Voukolies towards Livadia. The decision of the Admirals was to assume greater significance in the following weeks when the Admirals carried out their threat, and, on several occasions, opened fire upon Greek and insurgent forces to prevent them advancing on Canea.
*This article appeared in the Sheffield Independent and is credited to the Canea Correspondent of the Daily News.
La Tribuna Illustrata della Domenica. 28 Fwebruary 1897. (According to one source, this was apparently meant to illustrate the fight at Livadia.)
Route taken by Colonel Vassos’ forces.
[1] The Daily News, Canea Correspondent, reported in The Sheffield Independent 23 February 1897.
[2] C.8437. Turkey No. 10 (1897) Further Correspondence respecting the Affairs in Crete. Item No. 169, Rear Admiral Harris to Admiralty, 19 February 1897.
The British in Crete, 1896 to 1913. 